After Ceuta Crisis, Algeria Gains No Ground as Madrid Clings to Ties With Rabat

The mass migration crisis that hit Ceuta on July 30 and 31 has not led to the political or diplomatic tensions between Rabat and Madrid that could have benefited Algeria and the Polisario Front amid the wider dispute over the Sahara. Instead, the Spanish government has maintained a position stressing continued cooperation with Morocco, despite the scale of the crisis and the strong domestic political criticism it has triggered.

Rather than allowing the migration wave to develop into an open diplomatic crisis with Rabat, the Spanish government has moved to contain its consequences and has reaffirmed coordination with Morocco. Spanish and Moroccan authorities have also announced an agreement to speed up the return of people who entered Ceuta illegally.

The Sahara issue, which featured prominently in previous crises between the two countries, has also not become an explicit pressure tool for Madrid during the latest episode. At the same time, the Spanish government has continued to stress the importance of its relationship with Rabat, making the crisis politically closer to a migration and border-security issue than a broader diplomatic confrontation between the two countries.

Algeria and Polisario: No Political Gains

For Algeria and the Polisario Front, the migration crisis in Ceuta has not produced, according to official positions and statements from Madrid, any clear political or diplomatic gain that could be used against Morocco over the Sahara or other issues.

The Spanish government has not officially accused Rabat of being behind the migration wave, despite reports and analyses in some Spanish media outlets aligned with right-wing parties suggesting that political motives could have been behind the reduced monitoring on the Moroccan side during the July 30-31 events.

On the contrary, during his latest visit to Ceuta, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez stressed continued cooperation with Moroccan authorities and praised their willingness to speed up the return of migrants who had entered the city. He also said communication with Rabat during the crisis had remained continuous and smooth.

In the same context, Spain’s Foreign Ministry has described relations with Morocco as “excellent” and said the Ceuta crisis does not affect bilateral ties. The Interior Ministry has also stressed that Morocco has been cooperating with Spain in a “loyal” and “continuous” manner to address the situation, while Rabat has described its cooperation with Madrid on migration as “ideal.”

The crisis has therefore not turned into a rupture or political confrontation that could give Algeria and the Polisario Front greater room for manoeuvre, as happened during previous disputes. Instead, cooperation over migrant returns and border control has continued, despite growing calls in Spain for a tougher stance towards Rabat.

Madrid Clings to Good Relations With Rabat

The official positions and statements coming from Madrid since the Ceuta events have largely highlighted its commitment to maintaining good relations with Rabat, despite the significant political pressure facing Pedro Sánchez’s government, particularly from right-wing opposition parties that have called for Morocco to be blamed and for the government to adopt a “firm” stance towards it.

The Spanish government has repeatedly stressed that cooperation with Rabat has not stopped either before or after the Ceuta events. Sánchez has also thanked Morocco for its willingness to cooperate in speeding up the return of migrants.

Although some unwelcome statements have emerged on both sides over the issue of Ceuta and Melilla, including remarks by Moroccan Justice Minister Abdellatif Ouahbi reaffirming Morocco’s position on the two cities and a response from Spanish Defence Minister Margarita Robles insisting that “Ceuta and Melilla are not up for discussion” and that Spain’s sovereignty and territorial integrity are not negotiable, these statements have essentially remained confined to the sovereignty issue and have not developed into a broader diplomatic escalation.

This has been underlined by Spanish Inclusion and Migration Minister Elma Saiz, who on Tuesday, August 18, stressed the importance of cooperation with Morocco and described the Kingdom as a “reliable partner,” saying that the handling of the crisis would not have been possible without Rabat’s cooperation.

Unlike Previous Crises, Sahara Stays Out of the Dispute

The most notable aspect of the latest migration crisis has been that the Sahara issue has not become a central point of political confrontation between Madrid and Rabat with the same intensity seen in previous crises.

Despite domestic and external pressure linked to the crisis, the Spanish government has not used its position on the Sahara to pressure Morocco, nor has it officially linked its handling of the migration crisis to its position on the dispute.

This differs from the 2021 crisis, which unfolded amid a sharp diplomatic confrontation between the two countries after Spain allowed Polisario Front leader Brahim Ghali to receive medical treatment on its territory. That crisis eventually led to a major shift in Spain’s position on the Sahara and ushered in a new phase in Moroccan-Spanish relations.

Since Spain’s policy shift in 2022, when Madrid backed Morocco’s autonomy initiative as a realistic and credible basis for resolving the dispute, the Sahara issue has become part of the strategic framework governing bilateral relations. The Spanish government has repeatedly said that this shift has helped open a new phase of cooperation with Morocco on security, migration and economic issues.

During the latest Ceuta crisis, no official Spanish position has indicated that the Sahara issue has been used as leverage against Rabat, despite the sensitive regional context and Sánchez’s visit to Algeria on July 20 to revive relations with Algiers.

Instead, Spain’s Foreign Ministry has stressed that relations with Morocco are “excellent” and that they are not affected by the development of ties with Algeria.

The course of the latest crisis therefore suggests that Madrid has chosen to separate its handling of the migration situation from the strategic issues shaping its relationship with Rabat, foremost among them the Sahara. While turning the crisis into a political confrontation could have given Algeria and the Polisario Front greater room for manoeuvre, continued Moroccan-Spanish cooperation and the absence of the Sahara issue from the latest dispute have kept the crisis largely within the confines of migration and border security, without it developing into a broader diplomatic confrontation between Rabat and Madrid.

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